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BaKhabar  Download pdf
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Review: Evolution of Bihar's Identity … By Mohammad Sajjad*
 Book-Review: Narendra Jha, The Making of Bihar and Biharis: Colonialism, Politics and Culture in Modern India, 1870-1912 (Delhi: Manohar, 2012), Pages 284, Price Rs. 795, Hardbound, ISBN 978-81-7304-967-5 Arguably not many works of history on modern Bihar have come out from academically more appreciated and commercially more successful publication houses. Arvind N. Das’ Agrarian Unrest (Delhi: Manohar, 1983) and Vinita Damodaran’s Broken Promises (Delhi: OUP, 1992) were perhaps exceptions. Presumably, the commendably well-researched three-volume work of K. K. Datta, Freedom Movement in Bihar (1957), and the multi-volume compilation of essays in the Comprehensive History of Bihar (1976) had made the scholars (and publishers) complacent? Subsequently many more works came up, more notably from the K. P. Jaiswal Research Institute, housed in the Patna Museum, which also, for long, brought out empirically rich and very rigorously refereed Journal of Bihar Research Society. It seems that this ‘complacence’, if any, has now started giving way to new arrivals from various influential publishing houses. Recently good works of Papiya Ghosh (1953-2006) on late-colonial (and post-colonial/independence) Bihar, have been posthumously published by the Routledge, whereas, the Oxford University Press (OUP) has collected some of the best of her essays. Hitendra Patel’s Communalism and Intelligentsia: Shaping Caste, Community and Nationhood in Bihar, 1870-1930(Hyderabad: Orient BlackSwan, 2011) and Lata Singh’s Popular Translations of Nationalism in Bihar, 1920-22 (Delhi: Primus, 2012) have made significant addition to our knowledge on colonialism, nationalism, and communalism in this part of India; a chapter of Lata Singh has demonstrated how the lower bureaucracy (the police-constables) was also contributing to the freedom struggle, rather than defending the Raj. The book under review is latest entrant in this genre. This book explores regional sub-nationalism in colonial Bihar and its ‘emergence’ as a distinct regional-political entity (which had administratively found itself merged into a vast multi-lingual tract since long- much before it was colonized by the British), claiming to become a separate province. By the author’s admission, this work was started in late 1970s when he was pursuing his research in the JNU under able supervision of K. N. Panikkar. From a relatively obscure publishing house of Patna/Darbhanga, V. C. P. Chaudhry’s Creation of Modern Bihar (1964) had already come out. By the time the author Narendra Jha worked further on his thesis, while teaching in a college of Darbhanga, two more works came out, viz., Md. Muzaffar Imam’s Role of Muslims in the National Movement, Bihar, 1912-1930 (Delhi: Mittal, 1987), and Kamta Chaubey’s Muslims and Freedom Movement in India, Bihar, 1905-1928 (Allahabad: Chugh, 1990). The question therefore arises: what new thing does the book under review offer? There has been a view held not wrongly, that the movement for a separate province of Bihar was confined to the educated urban elites. Jha however adds another dimension. Some of the Bengali newspapers (Ananda Bazar Patrika, 11 January 1912, and Bengalee, 12 January 1912, started making claims of Bengal on parts of Bhagalpur, Purnea, as also on Chhotanagpur and Santhal Pargana). In protest against this, besides rebuttal in the media, there were large numbers of hugely attended public meetings (rallies) in rural areas to define the exact boundary of Bihar. ‘It was through these meetings that Bihar was being finally defined by the people themselves. Till now common people had largely been bystanders, as the educated elites worked for the creation of a separate province of Bihar but now they entered the game themselves. Bihar was getting ready for the mass movements of the Gandhian era’. (p. 237). A question however comes to our mind. What was the role and attitude of the Oriya speaking educated middle class? This is perhaps beyond the scope of the book, even though some of the works on the theme like that of Nivedita Mohanty (1982) have been consulted by the author.  Another lesser known or hitherto unknown thing brought forth in this book is that there were some verbal skirmishes in the sub-regional media about the capital city for the newly created province of Bihar, ‘the Gaya-based Kayastha Messenger, 18 December 2011 demanded that Gaya be made the capital’; Bhagalpur was also brought in this reckoning. The Bihar Bandhu (30 December 2011), and more surprisingly the Mithila Mihiralso however subjected such attempts to criticism. (pp. 233-34). The movement for Mithilanchal was yet to be conceived. Importantly, given the author’s training in the JNU’s prestigious Centre for Historical Studies, the introductory chapter has taken up the theoretical issues of Nationalism, Regionalism, and identity formation which have been briefly and lucidly explained in order to put the empirically rich discussion in a perspective. Illustrations have been given from some new vernacular sources, including at least one memoir (in Maithili, which presumably the author must be at home with), besides a Hindi play, Sajjad Sumbul (1880) by Keshavram Bhatt (1854-1905). At the very outset it also makes it clear that the existing works on the theme like that of Chaudhary (1964) had uncritically accepted the existence of both ‘Bihar’ and ‘Biharis’ because of which the academic attention to, and scrutiny of, the role of the colonial rulers, and also of the emerging educated middle class in (re)constructing the regional identity as a political community remained inadequate. (p. 18). The chapter three therefore deals with the colonial construction of the Bihari identity. The Lt. General G. Campbell (1871-74), for the sake of linguistic homogeneity in Bihar, introduced Hindi in Bihar, which he called ‘real vernacular’, and with the administrative power at his disposal, he ‘struck at the root itself’ by abolishing the teaching of Urdu (in the schools, and also in the courts and government offices) which to him was ‘hybrid’, ‘artificial’, ‘debased’, and even ‘bastard’. Around a decade earlier (in 1862) the use of Hindi was already made mandatory in Chhotanagpur and Santhal Pargana. Given the scope and objectives of the two works quite different, unlike Hitendra Patel (2011), Narendra Jha has not gone into the details of colonially prodded and encouraged anti-Urdu/ pro-Nagri movement of Bihar’s Hindi intelligentsia. In 1872, non-learning of Nagri (by the officials and superior police officers) was made a punishable offence like dismissal from the services. (p. 99). The chapter two elaborates upon the roles of the educated middle classes of various social groups in that pursuit; the author’s task in this regard has become relatively easier by Shreedhar Narayan Pandey (1975),Education and Social Change in Bihar 1900-1921, and Jata Shankar Jha (1979), Education in Bihar (1813-59), besides his other works on education in colonial Bihar. Narendra Jha however does not content himself only with the secondary works; he looks into a sufficient quantum of primary archival sources. The Urdu newspapers like the Murgh-e-Sulaiman, Nadir-ul-Akhbar, and the Qasid were the first to raise the demand in the 1870s, stimulated probably after Assam was separated to become a Chief Commissioner’s Province in 1874. But the emergence of more articulate leaders like Mahesh Narayan (1859-1907), Mazharul Haq (1866-1931), Ali Imam (1869-1932), Hasan Imam (1871-1933) , and Sachidanand Sinha (1871-1950) put forward this demand with greater force of argument and mobilizations. Among them, except Mahesh Narayan, everyone had returned from England having obtained law degree; they had radicalized the movement as, according to Sachidanand Sinha, all of them ‘felt equally bad about the absence of Bihar’s distinct political identity’. From 1890s onwards, an Urdu weekly Al Punch and the English language newspaperBehar Times however worked more specifically for separation of Bihar (as against it the Behar Herald was basically a newspaper espousing the interests of the Bihar-based Bengalis). These newspapers and the Hindi newspaper Bihar Bandhu also articulated anti-Bengali hatred against their preponderance in Bihar administration. Narendra Jha has touched upon this aspect, but has taken care of not getting carried away by such prejudices. Justifying the sub-title, this book however is equally concerned about the colonial roles in solidifying the Bihari identity; the chapter three is exclusively devoted to elaborate upon this particular aspect. Earlier works on the theme did not delve as much into it. Campbell’s more enthusiastic introduction of Hindi, against Urdu, in Bihar’s schools, government offices and law courts, and creation of ‘Bihari’ category in the employment policy, and relatively rapid laying of rail networks, particularly the Tirhut State Railway, were the official steps towards this goal. In the last phase of the struggle (1906-12), the support of the landed aristocracy and stronger Hindu-Muslim unity proved more useful in attaining the goal (p. 239). This essential harmony between the two major religious communities remained largely unaffected despite the introduction of the Separate electorate in 1909 (p. 221). This partly explains why the politics of communal-territorial separatism of the Muslim League remained a weak organization in Bihar even in late-colonial period. (For details see my forthcoming book, Changing Contours of Muslim Politics in Bihar: Pre and Post-Independence Experiences) It was indeed not an ordinary task to have created a common Hindu-Muslim front for the cause of a separate province of Bihar, given the fact that subsequently (from the 1920s onwards) the Bihar Congress got divided essentially along Bhumihar-Rajput factional lines, and that it was also afflicted with rural-urban conflicts manifesting through adverse relationship of the Congress with the Kisans, as also conflicting with the organizations like the Triveni Sangh, which characterized Bihar politics in late-colonial and post-independence period. During this last phase, ideological justifications of distinct political individuality were also brought forth invoking the theories of ‘subordinate patriotism’ and ‘federal nationalism’, which was elaborated upon by Sachidanand Sinha in the presidential address at the Beharee Students’ Conference 1910 (p. 228). There is an error in this otherwise meticulous and rigorous work. ‘Long, tight-fitting coat’ has been translated as chapkan (p. 46). This is rather called achkan. Notwithstanding this minor error, this well-researched book would be of interest to many as even today India continues to grapple with the politics of territorial/provincial rearrangement some of them, like the one for Telangana, have acquired violent forms as well. -------------------------------- * Mohammad Sajjad is Asstt. Professor at Centre of Advanced Study (CAS) in History, Aligarh Muslim University (India). |
Muslims
need for the Qur'an and Sunnah
... By Imām al-Haram Shaykh
Husayn ibn 'Abdul 'Azīz Aal Sheikh
[Khutba delivered 30 Jumāda al-Ula, 1423 (9th August, 2002)]  All praise is due to Allāh, Lord of all the worlds. May peace and blessings of Allāh be upon the Messenger of Allāh, his households and companions. Fellow Muslims! Hearts need a word that soothes them and the ears need to hear words that gladden the hearts and make them have peace and that widens the inner and outer sights. It is a word that no time is enough to say it and no tongue can give it its due whoever pens and papers strive to contain that. It is a word that the ummah is in most dire need of it. In fact, the present deplorable condition of Muslim makes the Ummah's need for this word more compelling. They are in dire need to treat this word, call unto it, reflect on it and accept it. This word is a talk about the Divine path whose spring never dries and whose bounty never ends. It is a path which Allāh has chosen for the Muslim ummah to control the lives of the individuals and upon which the foundations of their societies should be built; under a shade of a life full of happiness and peace and that will eventually lead to eternal victory and bliss. Brethren in faith! This path is the path of the two revelation: the Qur'ān and Sunnah; a path that has clear landmarks and pure sources that build every excellent value and establishes the greatest civilization that is adorned with blossoming edifice, fruitful bounties and perpetual good. That is the path that leads to the middle road that is based on clear foundations without any element that calls to extravagance, extremism or negligence. Brethren Islām! Uprightness in all matters and improved life in this world and the Hereafter are all based on following the Qur'ān and Sunnah. Whoever accepts the two has accepted all good and achieved the greatest desire. Allāh says, "Verily, this Qur'ān guides to that which is most just and right." (Al-Isrā 17 :9) There is nothing that protects human life, guarantees its safety, controls the desires and prevents their harms, preserves the nature except that it is found in the Qur'ān and Sunnah. The Qur'ān and Sunnah leads to all that is good and its causes and protects mankind from all that is evil. They contain subtle regulations for body and soul, for the human reason, for individuals and groups, in this world and hereafter. Theirs are regulations that are compatible with sound human nature and useful thoughts, and are accepted by free minds and people of upright reasons. They cure all diseases, activate behaviours and regulate all affairs so that the life may be that tranquility, happiness and peace. Allāh says, "And We sent down of the Qur'ān that which is a healing and a mercy to those who believe (in Islāmic Monotheism)." (Al-Isrā 17 :82) Brethren in Faith! When the life is based on the path of the Qur'ān and sunnah, that will be an ideal life in which misery will be removed from human minds and disruption will be erased out of his psyche as well as distress and sorrow. Allāh says, "Whenever there comes to you guidance from Me, and whoever follows My guidance, there shall be no fear on them nor shall they grieve." (Al-Baqarah 2 :38) Fellow Muslims! This ummah of ours shall have no glory in this world and the hereafter except by holding fast on to the Qur'ān and Sunnah in every aspect of their life: in matters of belief law, arbitration, manners and etiquettes. Allāh says, "So hold you fast to that which is revealed to you. Verily, you are on the straight path. And verily, this is indeed a reminder and your people and you will be questioned." (Az-Zukhruf 43 :43-44) Fellow Muslims! The world of today, nations and individuals, is full of ambitions. People eat but they are not satisfied, they drink but they do not have their thirst quenched. This kind of life push individuals and nations are push into crazy movements that can lead to disability, destruction and misery and even lead to great evil and huge destruction. Do the wise men among mankind realize that there is no way out and no salvation except through answering the call of the Creator; a call by which conditions are bettered. "O mankind! Verily, there has come unto you a convincing proof from your Lord; and We sent down to you a manifest light (this Qur'ān). So as for those who believed in Allāh and held fast to Him, He will admit them to His Mercy and Grace (i.e. Paradise), and guide them to Himself by the Straight Path." (An-Nisā 4 :174-175) It is therefore incumbent on the Muslims, the leaders and the lead to follow the right guidance and the protecting way without which they will only live in perpetual distress and toil and an everlasting loss and misery. The Messenger of Allāh said, “I have left with you that which, if you hold on to it, you will never go astray: the Book of Allāh.” He also said, “I have left you on a bright path, whose night is as clear as its day and from which no one deviates but the doomed.” Brethren in faith! Now is the time for self-examination. The ummah must now examine herself and her situation. She should wake up from her forgetfulness. Now is the time to review our behaviour and deeds in comparison to that of the Prophet and his guidance. Allāh says, “And perform prayers and give Zakāh and obey the Messenger that you may receive mercy.” (An-Nūr 24 :56) Now is the time for the ummah to know that unite and strengthen her ranks and strengthen her relationship with her Lord and with the Sunnah of the Prophet. Allāh says, “Has not the time come for the hearts of those who believe to be affected by Allāh’s Reminder (the Qur’ān) and that which has been revealed of the truth.” (Al-Hadīd 57 :16) This ummah cannot prosper unless she rises to rectify her situation according to the way of her Prophet in all aspects. “Indeed in the Messenger of Allāh you have a good example to follow for him who hopes for (meeting with) Allāh and the Last Day, and remembers Allāh much.” (Al-Ahzāb 33 :21) Fellow Muslims! The enemies of Islām are bent on disuniting the Muslims and cooperate with one another to deny them their rights and kill the spirit of religion and glory in them. They want to tear up the land, turn its inhabitants into dissenting groups, destroy the youth’s thinking so that they will preserve no religion nor live a good life. The ummah must know that they have enemies from whose mouths, pens and media comes enmity and hatred. Allāh says, “Hatred has already appeared from their mouths but what their breasts conceal is far worse.” (Al Imrān 3 :118) Will the ummah then learn that what afflicts her is fundamentally caused by the their lack of proper application of injunctions of their religion in many aspects of their lives and substituting the law of the Lord of all the worlds with man-made constitutions. The ummah has tried many ideologies that are far from the Qur’ān and Sunnah but has that earned us nothing more than woeful failure and horrible disgrace? Man-made laws has made the ummah tasted all kind of humiliation and subjugation and made the Muslims live in all kinds of problems. Allāh says, “Then do you believe in the path of the Scripture and reject the rest? Then what is the recompense of those who so among you, except disgrace in the life of this world, and on the Day of Resurrection they shall be consigned to the most grievous torment. And Allāh is not unaware of what you do.” (Al-Baqarah 2 :85) Fellow Muslims! If our nation lives stages of weakness and disunity and experiences kinds of backwardness, other nations had also experienced kinds of calamities. The decrees of Allāh must come to pass and the days are in turns. The strong in this worldly life cannot be strong for ever and the weak cannot remain weak for ever. But it is of the way of Allāh what He mentions in His Book when He says, “Allāh will not change the condition of a people as long as they do not change their state themselves.” (Ar-Ra‘d 13 :11) The Muslim ummah must therefore review her in the light of the way of Allāh and reflect over her places of weakness. They must know that the calamity is great and that the reform lies only in the maintaining a good relationship with the Book of Allāh and the Sunnah of the Prophet. There is no way out of all these terrible situations and impediments except by having a sincere return to the religion of Allāh, taking absolute refuge with Him and having a total devotion to Him. That is the source of stability, strength and authority and the way to glory and security. Allāh says, “And whosoever fears Allāh and keeps his duty to Him, He will make a way for him to get out (from every difficulty).” “And whosoever fears Allāh and keep his duty to Him, He will make His matter easy for him.” (At-Talāq 65 :2,4 ) Let us understand the way of Allāh in changing things and the paths to glory and authority. Let us view our points of weakness in the light of the Qur’ān and Sunnah and let us mode every aspects of our life according to their injunctions. The Messenger of Allāh said, “Whoever lives long among you shall see a lot discrepancies. So hold fast on to my Sunnah and that of the rightly guided successors. Adhere to them strictly and keep away from innovations.” Brethren in faith! The Muslim ummah cannot earn the quality of the best community with Allāh describes it except holding fast onto the Book of Allāh and following the Sunnah of His Messenger with resoluteness and having determined submission to their injunctions. Allāh says, “This is a Book which We have revealed unto you in order that you might lead the mankind out of darkness into light by their Lord’s leave to the path of the All-Mighty, the Owner of all praise.” (Al-Ibrāhīm 14 :2) Let the Qur’ān and the path of the Messenger strengthen our resolution and spur our determination. Fellow Muslims! There is a question which we must ask ourselves. Where is the position of the Qur’ān and Sunnah in our judgement and arbitration? Where are their criterion in our economy and media? What is their position in the manners of individuals and societies? Where are their teachings our relationships and undertakings? Dear brethren! We must carry out a self examination that will remove all forgetfulness and reawaken the sense of following the guidance of the Prophet. Now tell me! How can the life be fruitful for one who knows Allāh but yet does not fulfil His rights, reads the Book of Allāh but do not act upon it and claims to love the Prophet but abandons his Sunnah? How can the one who follows his desires, surrenders to his forgetfulness and follows every rebellious devil attain the much sought after happiness? A man who basis for pleasure and anger is this worldly life that blinds him and renders him deaf; a man whose heart is dead and does not feel hurt by sins and ignorance of the truth. Allāh says, “It is not for a believer, man or woman, when Allāh and His Messenger have decreed a matter that they should have any option in heir decision. And whoever disobeys Allāh and His Messenger, he has indeed strayed into a plain error.” (Al-Ahzāb 33 :36) |
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